Guevara and castro relationship quotes

15 Quotes by Fidel Castro and Ernesto Che Guevara

guevara and castro relationship quotes

The silhouette of Che Guevara is one of the most iconic images of the 20th These connections would eventually introduce him to Fidel Castro. Many people credit Guevara with being the architect behind the Cuban and Soviet relationship. Cuban President Fidel Castro gestures during a speech before a during a meeting next to Argentine guerrilla leader Ernesto Che Guevara. Fidel Castro, leader of the communist revolution in Cuba, has died at the age of Here are some of his more memorable quotes about.

His party, the Conservatives later known as the Moderatesemerged victorious in the elections of Decemberbut the opposition Liberals accused the government of rigging the vote. This charge, along with widespread pension fraud and the failure to bring about proposed governmental reforms, triggered a revolution in July The insurrection spread rapidly, and Estrada Palma requested intervention by the U.

The mediation failed, Estrada Palma resigned, and on September 29,U.

guevara and castro relationship quotes

Three presidents governed Cuba from to with little distinction and much corruption. During this period the U. The government was accused of giving few offices to Afro-Cubans and also of favouring those who had supported the Spanish cause in the war for independence. Protests by Afro-Cubans against a law prohibiting political organization by race or religion led to a bloody government crackdown that claimed the lives of thousands.

The Liberal party split, and in the election of the Conservative candidate, Menocal, won. Menocal won reelection in by employing fraud and violenceand, as a result, war broke out against him in February The rebels had hoped for intervention by the U. Until Cuba enjoyed phenomenal prosperity, thanks to the high price of sugar. Byhowever, a severe financial crisis had struck the country, and, despite a moratoriummany banks and other business concerns went bankrupt. The economic situation rapidly improved, but charges of corruption against Zayas intensified, and revolts broke out against him, led in part by war veterans.

When Zayas tried to get himself renominated, he ran into stiff opposition from his own party. He therefore made a pact with the Liberal candidate, Gen. Gerardo Machado y Moralesagainst Menocal, who ran as the Conservative candidate in the election of Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Washington, D. Machado was elected overwhelmingly and assumed office on May 20, Pledged to a program of reform, he made good only a few of his promises during his first term. With the beginning of his second term, ina rule of terror began.

Martial law was proclaimed, and Congress allowed him to suspend freedom of speechpress, and assembly. Political opposition, allayed by an adroit distribution of patronage inrevived against Machado as the economic depression of the early s hit Cuba.

As the opposition increased, Machado adopted increasingly harsher methods against it. Cuban exiles fled to the U. An amnesty was declared, and constitutional and political reforms were promised. With the economic crisis deepening and with Machado apparently determined to stay in office in spite of promises to resign, the army forced him to flee the country in August He set aside the constitution and tried to bring about modest reforms, but critics feared that he was too closely allied to the U.

A military juntaheaded by Batista, then conferred the presidency on Col. Carlos Mendieta, who seemed to have the approval of most factions. Batista, FulgencioFulgencio Batista leftwith Gen. Malin Craig, chief of staff of the U. Army, in Washington, D. That document, which had been issued to preserve peace, had had the opposite effect, as discontented factions had frequently risen against Cuban governments in order to bring about U.

It also had been used by such leaders as Zayas to get the people to support them as champions of Cuban liberty against U. Disorder and strikes continued, but Mendieta and his chief of staff, Batista, used dictatorial measures and postponed elections until December Batista, a candidate for the June election, anticipating his defeat, overthrew the government in March without bloodshed.

He closed Congress and called for elections in He was elected president without opposition for a four-year term beginning February 24, He reinstated the constitution, which contained many liberal pro-labour reforms, and tried to return the country to normalcy, but strong opposition developed against him.

Among the primary concerns of large landowners was the Sugar Act ofU. With Cuban sugar exports facing an uncertain future, support for Batista within both the government and the influential agriculture industry virtually collapsed.

Militant anti-Batista elements denied the validity of the election and organized a campaign of harassment and sabotage in the provinces.

Chief among these groups was the 26th of July Movement under the leadership of the charismatic revolutionary leader Fidel Castro. Batista revoltNewsreel reporting the events surrounding Fulgencio Batista's overthrow of Pres.

Stock footage courtesy The WPA Film Library The rise of Castro and the outbreak of revolution Castro was educated in Santiago de Cuba and Havanaand, while he was still a student, he participated in revolutionary activities throughout Latin America.

He received his law degree from the University of Havana inand, after graduating, he began practicing law. On July 26,he led around men in a desperate and unsuccessful raid on a Santiago army barracks. In the Castro brothers received amnesty and were released, whereupon Fidel went to Mexicowhere he began organizing an invading force of Cuban exiles. Castro returns to Cuba Accompanied by a band of 81 men on board the yacht Granma, Castro landed in eastern Cuba on December 2,but most of the force was quickly killed or captured.

This small band then began a guerrilla campaign against Batista in the Sierra Maestra mountains and took the name 26th of July Movement to commemorate the attack. On March 13,the Revolutionary Directorate Directorio Revolucionarioa group of insurrectionists largely composed of students, launched a bloody and unsuccessful attack on the presidential palace in Havana.

Dozens were reported killed in the fighting. Serious disturbances were intermittent throughout Santiago de Cuba and central Cuba. Trade unionists attempted to provoke a general strikebut support among labour leaders collapsed after the government announced that anyone participating in the strike would be refused re-employment elsewhere.

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Our youth must always be free, discussing and exchanging ideas concerned with what is happening throughout the entire world. Everything we thought and felt in that past period ought to be deposited in an archive, and a new type of human being created. The task of educating and feeding youngsters, the task of educating the army, the task of distributing the lands of the former absentee landlords to those who laboured every day upon that same land without receiving its benefits, are accomplishments of social medicine.

In the future individualism ought to be the efficient utilization of the whole individual for the absolute benefit of a collectivity. In order to change a way of thinking, it is necessary to undergo profound internal changes and to witness profound external changes, especially in the performance of our duties and obligations to society. We brought ten thousand head of cattle to the Sierra one day and said to the peasants, simply, "Eat".

And the peasants, for the first time in years and years, some for the first time in their lives, ate beef. The life of a single human being is worth a million times more than all the property of the richest man on earth.

Far more important than a good remuneration is the pride of serving one's neighbor. We should not go to the people and say, "Here we are. We come to give you the charity of our presence, to teach you our science, to show you your errors, your lack of culture, your ignorance of elementary things. Our enemy, and the enemy of all America, is the monopolistic government of the United States of America. Notes on the Cuban Revolution [ edit ] "Notes for the Study of the Ideology of the Cuban Revolution" 8 October The merit of Marx is that he suddenly produces a qualitative change in the history of social thought When asked whether or not we are Marxists, our position is the same as that of a physicist or a biologist when asked if he is a "Newtonian," or if he is a "Pasteurian".

There are truths so evident, so much a part of people's knowledge, that it is now useless to discuss them. One ought to be "Marxist' with the same naturalness with which one is "Newtonian" in physics, or "Pasteurian" in biology, considering that if facts determine new concepts, these new concepts will never divest themselves of that portion of truth possessed by the older concepts they have outdated.

The merit of Marx is that he suddenly produces a qualitative change in the history of social thought. He interprets history, understands its dynamic, predicts the future, but in addition to predicting it which would satisfy his scientific obligationhe expresses a revolutionary concept: Man ceases to be the slave and tool of his environment and converts himself into the architect of his own destiny.

At that moment Marx puts himself in a position where he becomes the necessary target of all who have a special interest in maintaining the old-similar to Democritus before him, whose work was burned by Plato and his disciples, the ideologues of Athenian slave aristocracy. Beginning with the revolutionary Marx, a political group with concrete ideas establishes itself. Basing itself on the giants, Marx and Engelsand developing through successive steps with personalities like LeninStalinMao Tse-tung and the new Soviet and Chinese rulers, it establishes a body of doctrine and, let us say, examples to follow.

The Cuban Revolution takes up Marx at the point where he himself left science to shoulder his revolutionary rifle. And it takes him up at that point, not in a revisionist spirit, of struggling against that which follows Marx, of reviving "pure" Marx, but simply because up to that point Marx, the scientist, placed himself outside of the history he studied and predicted. From then on Marx, the revolutionary, could fight within history. We, practical revolutionaries, initiating our own struggle, simply fulfill laws foreseen by Marx, the scientist.

We are simply adjusting ourselves to the predictions of the scientific Marx as we travel this road of rebellion, struggling against the old structure of power, supporting ourselves in the people for the destruction of this structure, and having the happiness of this people as the basis of our struggle.

The enemy soldier in the Cuban example, which we are now considering, is the junior partner of the dictator; he is the man who gets the last crumbs left to him in a long line of profiteers that begins in Wall Street and ends with him.

He is disposed to defend his privileges, but he is disposed to defend them only to the degree that they are important to him. His salary and pension are worth some suffering and some dangers, but they are never worth his life; if the price of maintaining them will cost it, he is better off giving them up, that is to say, withdrawing from the face of guerrilla danger. Mobilising for Invasion [ edit ] "Mobilising the Masses for the Invasion" speech given to sugar workers in Santa Clara, Cuba 20 days before the Bay of Pigs Invasion 28 March We have to remind ourselves of this at every moment: The victory of the Cuban Revolution will be a tangible demonstration before all the Americas that peoples are capable of rising up, that they can rise up by themselves right under the very fangs of the monster.

The people are weary of being oppressed, persecuted, exploited to the maximum. On various occasions emissaries of the U. State Department came, disguised as reporters, to investigate our rustic revolution, yet they never found any trace of imminent danger. By the time the imperialists wanted to react — when they discovered that the group of inexperienced young men marching in triumph through the streets of Havana had a clear awareness of their political duty and an iron determination to carry out that duty — it was already too late.

The first liberating revolutions never destroyed the large landholding powers that always constituted a reactionary force and upheld the principle of servitude on the land. In most countries the large landholders realized they couldn't survive alone and promptly entered into alliances with the monopolies — the strongest and most ruthless oppressors of the Latin American peoples. We, politely referred to as "underdeveloped," in truth are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent countries.

We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its complex economy. A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions.

That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination.

guevara and castro relationship quotes

They are weary of the wretched selling of their labor-power day after day — faced with the fear of joining the enormous mass of unemployed — so that the greatest profit can be wrung from each human body, profit later squandered in the orgies of the masters of capital.

The United States hastens the delivery of arms to the puppet governments they see as being increasingly threatened; it makes them sign pacts of dependence to legally facilitate the shipment of instruments of repression and death and of troops to use them. On Growth and Imperialism [ edit ] "Economics Cannot be Separated from Politics" speech to the ministerial meeting of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council CIESin Punta del Este, Uruguay 8 August Cuba hopes that her children will see a better future, and that victory will not have to be won at the cost of millions of human lives destroyed by the atomic bomb.

Democracy is not compatible with financial oligarchy, with discrimination against Blacks and outrages by the Ku Klux Klan, or with the persecution that drove scientists like Oppenheimer from their posts, deprived the world for years of the marvelous voice of Paul Robeson, held prisoner in his own country, and sent the Rosenberg's to their deaths against the protests of a shocked world, including the appeals of many governments and of Pope Pius XII.

Democracy cannot consist solely of elections that are nearly always fictitious and managed by rich landowners and professional politicians. Before the invasion, the Cuban revolution was weak. Now it's stronger than ever. Tactics and Strategy of the Latin American Revolution [ edit ] "Tactics and Strategy of the Latin American Revolution" October, Power is the sine qua non strategic objective of the revolutionary forces, and everything must be subordinated to this basic endeavor.

But the taking of power, in this world polarized by two forces of extreme disparity and absolutely incompatible in interests, cannot be limited to the boundaries of a single geographic or social unit.

The seizure of power is a worldwide objective of the revolutionary forces. To conquer the future is the strategic element of revolution; freezing the present is the counterstrategy motivating the forces of world reaction today, for they are on the defensive.

Cuba, for example, is a vanguard outpost, an outpost which overlooks the extremely broad stretches of the economically distorted world of Latin America. Cuba's example is a beacon, a guiding light for all the peoples of America. Moral missiles are such a devastatingly effective weapon that they have become the most important element in determining Cuba's value.

Is it possible or not, given the present conditions in our continent, to achieve it socialist power, that is by peaceful means? We emphatically answer that, in the great majority of cases, this is not possible. The most that could be achieved would be the formal takeover of the bourgeois superstructure of power and the transition to socialism of that government which, under the established bourgeois legal system, having achieved formal power will still have to wage a very violent struggle against all who attempt, in one way or another, to check its progress toward new social structures.

Cuba and Algeria are the most recent examples of the effects of armed struggle on the development of social transformation. If we conclude that the possibility of the peaceful road is almost nonexistent in the Americas, we can point out that it is very probable that the outcome of victorious revolutions in this area of the world will produce regimes of a socialist structure.

Rivers of blood will flow before this is achieved The blood of the people is our most sacred treasure, but it must be used in order to save more blood in the future.

The most submissive countries and consequently, the most cynical, talk about the threat of Cuban subversion, and they are right.

The greatest threat of the Cuban revolution is its own example, its revolutionary ideas, the fact that the government has been able to increase the combativity of the people, led by a leader of world stature, to heights seldom equaled in history.

Here is the electrifying example of a people prepared to suffer nuclear immolation so that its ashes may serve as a foundation for new societies. When an agreement was reached by which the atomic missiles were removed, without asking our people, we were not relieved or thankful for the truce; instead we denounced the move with our own voice. We have demonstrated our firm stand, our own position, our decision to fight, even if alone, against all dangers and against the atomic menace of Yankee imperialism.

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We do assert, however, that we must follow the road of liberation even though it may cost millions of nuclear war victims. In the struggle to death between two systems we cannot think of anything but the final victory of socialism or its relapse as a consequence of the nuclear victory of imperialist aggression.

Method of Guerrilla Warfare [ edit ] "Guerrilla Warfare: A Method " written September Guerrilla warfare is a people's warfare; an attempt to carry out this type of war without the population's support is a prelude to inevitable disaster. The guerrilla is supported by the peasant and worker masses of the region and of the whole territory in which it acts. Without these prerequisites, guerrilla warfare is not possible.

Revolution, in history, is like the doctor assisting at the birth of a new life, who will not use forceps unless necessary, but who will use them unhesitatingly every time labor requires them. It is a labor bringing the hope of a better life to the enslaved and exploited masses. We should not allow the word "democracy" to be utilized apologetically to represent the dictatorship of the exploiting classes.

Violence is not the monopoly of the exploiters and as such the exploited can use it too and, moreover, ought to use it when the moment arrives.

Episode 1: Che Guevara best insperational quotes

The dictatorship tries to function without resorting to force so we must try to oblige it to do so, thereby unmasking its true nature as the dictatorship of the reactionary social classes. On Automation [ edit ] We must remember that machines do not, as in the capitalist system, compete with workers or enslave workers. Workers must view machines as the liberators of their force.

Machines are placed at the service of workers as soon as the exploitation of man by man stops. And that is what we are striving for: People's War, People's Army [ edit ] "People's War, People's Army" an explanation by Guevara of why he believed the Vietnamese were able to achieve victory over the French Mass struggle was utilized throughout the war by the Vietnamese communist party.

It was used, first of all, because guerrilla warfare is one expression of the mass struggle. One cannot conceive of guerrilla war when it is isolated from the people. The guerrilla group is the numerically inferior vanguard of the great majority of the people, who have no weapons but express themselves through the vanguard. The people did not talk about reciprocal concessions but demanded liberties and guarantees, which brought inevitably in many sectors a crueler war than the French would have waged otherwise.

Marxism was applied according to the concrete historical situation of Vietnam and because of the guiding role of the vanguard party, faithful to its people and consequently to its doctrine, a resounding victory was achieved over the French imperialists. The characteristics of the struggle, in which territory had to be given to the enemy and many years had to pass in order to achieve final victory, with fluctuations, ebb and flow, was that of a protracted war.

During the entire struggle one could say that the front lines were where the enemy was. At a given moment, the enemy occupied almost the entire territory and the front was spread to wherever the enemy was. Later the lines of combat were delimited and a main front was established.

But the enemy's rear guard constituted another front; it was a total war and the colonialists were never able to mobilize their forces with ease against the liberated zones. The slogan "dynamism, initiative, mobility, and quick decision in new situations" is in synthesis the guerrilla tactic.

These few words expressed the tremendously difficult art of popular war. On Development [ edit ] "On Development" Speech delivered at the plenary session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Geneva, Switzerland 25 March Justice remains the tool of a few powerful interests; legal interpretations will continue to be made to suit the convenience of the oppressor powers.

Justice remains the tool of a few powerful interests; legal interpretations will continue to be made to suit the convenience of the oppressor powers. If, on the other hand, the groups of underdeveloped countries, lured by the siren song of the vested interests of the developed powers which exploit their backwardness, contend futilely among themselves for the crumbs from the tables of the world's mighty, and break the ranks of numerically superior forces … our efforts will have been to no avail.

The only way to solve the problems now besetting mankind is to eliminate completely the exploitation of dependent countries by developed capitalist countries, with all the consequences that this implies. The inflow of capital from the developed countries is the prerequisite for the establishment of economic dependence.

This inflow takes various forms: The International Monetary Fund is the watchdog of the dollar in the capitalist camp.

Che Guevara and Fidel Castro: Revolutionary Friends

The world is hungry but lacks the money to buy food; and paradoxically, in the underdeveloped world, in the world of the hungry, possible ways of expanding food production are discouraged in order to keep prices up, in order to be able to eat. This is the inexorable law of the philosophy of plunder, which must cease to be the rule in relations between peoples.

Will they sit with their arms crossed? The system they practice is the cause of the evils from which we are suffering, but they will try to obscure the facts with spurious allegations, of which they are masters. The feeling of revolt will grow stronger every day among the peoples subjected to various degrees of exploitation, and they will take up arms to gain by force the rights which reason alone has not won them. The Cuban Economy [ edit ] "The Cuban Economy" October, The natural advantages of the cultivation of sugar in Cuba are obvious, but the predominant fact is that Cuba was developed as a sugar factory of the United States.

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North American banks and capitalists soon controlled the commercial exploitation of sugar and, furthermore, a good share of the industrial output of the land. In this way, a monopolistic control was established by U. Cuba became the sugar-producing and-exporting country par excellence; and if she did not develop even further in this respect, the reason is to be found in the capitalist contradictions which put a limit to a continuous expansion of the Cuban sugar industry, which depended almost entirely on North American capital.

The North American government used the quota system on imports of Cuban sugar not only to protect her own sugar industry, as demanded by her own producers, but also to make possible the unrestricted introduction into our country of North American manufactured goods. The US quota system meant stagnation for our sugar production [ Consequently, the only two activities of our agriculture were cultivation of sugar cane and the breeding of low-quality cattle on pastures which at the same time served as reserve areas for the sugar plantation owners.

Guevara quoted earlier statements of Fidel Castro extensively in this speech, and many of these are often misattributed to him. This epic before us is going to be written by the hungry Indian masses, the peasants without land, the exploited workers. The final hour of colonialism has struck, and millions of inhabitants of Africa, Asia and Latin America rise to meet a new life and demand their unrestricted right to self-determination.

We should like to see this Assembly shake itself out of complacency and move forward. We should like to see the committees begin their work and not stop at the first confrontation.

Imperialism wishes to convert this meeting into a pointless oratorical tournament, instead of solving the grave problems of the world. We must prevent their doing so. Peaceful coexistence cannot be limited to the powerful countries if we want to ensure world peace. Peaceful coexistence must be exercised among all states, regardless of size, regardless of the previous historical relations that linked them, and regardless of the problems that may arise among some of them at a given moment.

As Marxists we have maintained that peaceful coexistence among nations does not encompass coexistence between the exploiters and the exploited, between the oppressors and the oppressed. We speak out to put the world on guard against what is happening in South Africa. The brutal policy of apartheid is applied before the eyes of the nations of the world. The peoples of Africa are compelled to endure the fact that on the African continent the superiority of one race over another remains official policy, and that in the name of this racial superiority murder is committed with impunity.

Can the United Nations do nothing to stop this? Our free eyes open now on new horizons and can see what yesterday, in our condition as colonial slaves, we could not observe: Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men — how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom?

The government of the United States is not the champion of freedom, but rather the perpetrator of exploitation and oppression against the peoples of the world and against a large part of its own population. It is going to be written by the progressive masses, the honest and brilliant intellectuals, who so greatly abound in our suffering Latin American lands.

Struggles of masses and ideas. An epic that will be carried forward by our peoples, mistreated and scorned by imperialism; our people, unreckoned with until today, who are now beginning to shake off their slumber. Imperialism considered us a weak and submissive flock; and now it begins to be terrified of that flock; a gigantic flock of million Latin Americans in whom Yankee monopoly capitalism now sees its gravediggers.

Now in the mountains and fields of America, on its flatlands and in its jungles, in the wilderness or in the traffic of cities, on the banks of its great oceans or rivers, this world is beginning to tremble. Anxious hands are stretched forth, ready to die for what is theirs, to win those rights that were laughed at by one and all for years.

guevara and castro relationship quotes

Planning is one of the laws of socialism, and without it, socialism would not exist. For us there is no valid definition of socialism other than the abolition of the exploitation of one human being by another.

The struggle against imperialism, for liberation from colonial or neocolonial shackles, which is being carried out by means of political weapons, arms, or a combination of the two, is not separate from the struggle against backwardness and poverty. Both are stages on the same road leading toward the creation of a new society of justice and plenty.

Ever since monopoly capital took over the world, it has kept the greater part of humanity in poverty, dividing all the profits among the group of the most powerful countries.

The standard of living in those countries is based on the extreme poverty of our countries. To raise the living standards of the underdeveloped nations, therefore, we must fight against imperialism.

And each time a country is torn away from the imperialist tree, it is not only a partial battle won against the main enemy but it also contributes to the real weakening of that enemy, and is one more step toward the final victory. There are no borders in this struggle to the death. We cannot be indifferent to what happens anywhere in the world, because a victory by any country over imperialism is our victory, just as any country's defeat is a defeat for all of us.

Each time a country is freed, we say, it is a defeat for the world imperialist system, but we must agree that real liberation or breaking away from the imperialist system is not achieved by the mere act of proclaiming independence or winning an armed victory in a revolution. Freedom is achieved when imperialist economic domination over a people is brought to an end.

Imperialism has been defeated in many partial battles. But it remains a considerable force in the world, and we cannot expect its final defeat save through effort and sacrifice on the part of us all. The socialist countries must help pay for the development of countries now starting out on the road to liberation. Socialism cannot exist without a change in consciousness resulting in a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, both at an individual level, within the societies where socialism is being built or has been built, and on a world scale, with regard to all peoples suffering from imperialist oppression.

How can it be "mutually beneficial" to sell at world market prices the raw materials that cost the underdeveloped countries immeasurable sweat and suffering, and to buy at world market prices the machinery produced in today's big automated factories?

We must agree that the socialist countries are, in a certain way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation … The socialist countries have the moral duty to put an end to their tacit complicity with the exploiting countries of the West. As long as this has not been achieved, if we think we are in the stage of building socialism but instead of ending exploitation the work of suppressing it comes to a halt — or worse, is reversed — then we cannot even speak of building socialism.

Development cannot be left to complete improvisation. It is necessary to plan the construction of the new society. Without correct planning there can be no adequate guarantee that all the various sectors of a country's economy will combine harmoniously to take the leaps forward that our epoch demands. As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries.

Today that domination is called neocolonialism. Arms cannot be commodities in our world. They must be delivered to the peoples asking for them to use against the common enemy, with no charge and in the quantities needed and available. Now is the time to throw off the yoke, to force renegotiation of oppressive foreign debts, and to force the imperialists to abandon their bases of aggression.

Wealth is far from being within the reach of the masses simply through the process of appropriation. In moments of great peril it is easy to muster a powerful response to moral stimuli; but for them to retain their effect requires the development of a consciousness in which there is a new priority of values.

At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love. It is impossible to think of a genuine revolutionary lacking this quality. For a long time man has been trying to free himself from alienation through culture and art The ultimate and most important revolutionary aspiration: The basic clay of our work is the youth; we place our hope in it and prepare it to take the banner from our hands.

A common argument from the mouths of capitalist spokespeople, in the ideological struggle against socialism, is that socialism, or the period of building socialism into which we have entered, is characterized by the abolition of the individual for the sake of the state. The state sometimes makes mistakes.

When one of these mistakes occurs, a decline in collective enthusiasm is reflected by a resulting quantitative decrease of the contribution of each individual, each of the elements forming the whole of the masses.