Historical modes of government and business relationship letter

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A business letter is a formal way of communicating between two or more parties. I have purchased other toys manufactured by your company in the past, and .. It so happens, that these are exactly the types of corporate publications that we implementation of the 1to1 Customer Relationship Management Program. Business ATG-AGE, International Benefits - Application Forms for Foreign Benefits ISP, Old Age Security, Application for the Guaranteed Income . Election to Claim Under the Government Employees Compensation Form - Additional Information Regarding your Relationship to your Employer. The truth about lobbying: 10 ways big business controls government . in early , letters appeared in the press demanding he scrap it. building relationships with the former, while making it "more difficult for hardcore.

Examples of this include the publishing of codes of conduct at the highest level of international government, [28] and media focus on specific issues [29] at the sociocultural level. Despite their different sources, both seek to establish values in such a way that they become accepted 'norms'. The fact that 'norms' can be established at any level and can then be used to shape the governance process as whole, means metagovernance is part of both the input and the output of the governing system.

Collaborative governance A collaborative governance framework uses a relationship management structure, joint performance and transformation management processes and an exit management plan as controlling mechanisms to encourage the organizations to make ethical, proactive changes for the mutual benefit of all the parties. Security sector governance and reform Security sector governance SSG is a subpart concept or framework of security governance that focuses specifically on decisions about security and their implementation within the security sector of a single state.

SSG applies the principles of good governance to the security sector in question. In the case of a business or of a non-profit organizationfor example, good governance relates to consistent management, cohesive policies, guidance, processes and decision-rights for a given area of responsibility, and proper oversight and accountability.

Good governance Good governance is an indeterminate term used in international development literature to describe various normative accounts of how public institutions ought to conduct public affairs and manage public resources. These normative accounts are often justified on the grounds that they are thought to be conducive to economic ends, such as the eradication of poverty and successful economic development.

Unsurprisingly different organizations have defined governance and good governance differently to promote different normative ends. The World Bank defines governance as: An alternate definition sees governance as: Governance has been defined as the rules of the political system to solve conflicts between actors and adopt decision legality.

It has also been used to describe the "proper functioning of institutions and their acceptance by the public" legitimacy. And it has been used to invoke the efficacy of government and the achievement of consensus by democratic means participation. Measuring governance is inherently a controversial and somewhat political exercise.

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A distinction is therefore made between external assessments, peer assessments and self-assessments. Examples of external assessments are donor assessments or comparative indices produced by international non-governmental organizations. An example of a peer assessment is the African Peer Review Mechanism.

Even if the corporate goal is pure, self-interested profit-making, it will be dressed up to appear synonymous with the wider, national interest.

At the moment, that means economic growth and jobs. Get the messaging wrong and you get fiascos such as High Speed 2 HS2. Westbourne reframed the debate to make it about jobs and economic growth. The new messaging focused on a narrative that pitted wealthy people in the Chilterns worried about their hunting rights against the economic benefits to the north. The strategy was "posh people standing in the way of working-class people getting jobs," said Bethell.

Private healthcare also regrouped after the wrong messages went public.

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As Andrew Lansley embarked on his radical reforms of the NHS, private hospitals and outsourcing firms were talking to investors about the "clear opportunities" to profit from the changes. After comments by Mark Britnell, the head of health at accountancy giants KPMG giants and a former adviser of David Cameron, hit the headlines in May — Britnell told an investors' conference that "the NHS will be shown no mercy and the best time to take advantage of this will be in the next couple of years" — the industry got a grip.

Lobby group The NHS Partners Network moved quickly to get everyone back on-message and singing from "common hymn sheets"as its chief lobbyist David Worskett explained. The reforms were about the survival of the NHS in straitened times. Just nobody mention the bumper profits. Engineer a following It doesn't help if a corporation is the only one making the case to government.

That looks like special pleading. What is needed is a critical mass of voices singing to its tune. This can be engineered. The forte of lobbying firm Westbourne is in mobilising voices behind its clients. Thirty economists, for example, signed a letter to the FT in in support of HS2; businesses endorsed another published in the Daily Telegraph.

Westbourne was also hired in to lobby against the top rate of tax, although who was behind its "50p tax campaign" remains a mystery. Ahead of the chancellor's annual Budget announcement in earlyletters appeared in the press demanding he scrap it.

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The FT's was signed by 20 economists. A quick glance, though, revealed it included five managers from the Switzerland-based banking giant Credit Suisse. The paper's commentary noted the alarm this new call from "ordinary British business" would cause inside government. Buy in credibility Corporations are one of the least credible sources of information for the public.

What they need, therefore, are authentic, seemingly independent people to carry their message for them. One nuclear lobbyist admitted it spread messages "via third-party opinion because the public would be suspicious if we started ramming pro-nuclear messages down their throats". That's it in a nutshell. The tobacco companies are pioneers of this technique. Their recent campaign against plain packaging has seen them fund newsagents to push the economic case against the policy and encourage trading standards officers to lobby their MPs.

British American Tobacco also currently funds the Common Sense Alliancewhich is fronted by two ex-policemen and campaigns against "irrational" regulation. Philip Morris is similarly paying an ex-Met police officer, Will O'Reillyto front a media campaign linking plain packaging to tobacco smuggling.

Sponsor a thinktank "The thinktank route is a very good one," said ex-minister Patricia Hewitt to undercover reporters seeking lobbying advice. Some thinktanks will provide companies with a lobbying package: This has lobbied for more "insurance-based private funding" in the health service.

The BBC has also come under repeated recent criticism for inviting commentators from the leading neo-liberal thinktank, the Institute of Economic Affairs IEAto talk about its opposition to the plain packaging of cigarettes, without disclosing the Institute's tobacco funding.

Leaked documents from Philip Morris also reveal the thinktank is one of its "media messengers" in its anti- plain-packaging campaign. The Birmingham and Fazeley viaduct, part of the proposed route for the HS2 high speed rail scheme. Consult your critics Companies faced with a development that has drawn the ire of a local community will often engage lobbyists to run a public consultation exercise.

Again, not as benign as it sounds. Opportunities to influence the outcome, whether it is preventing an out-of-town supermarket or protecting local health services, are almost always nil.

Residents in Barne Barton in Plymouth were asked in what they thought about a metre, PFI-financed incinerator being sited in their neighbourhood, just 62 metres from the nearest house. Although more than 5, people objected, the waste company's planning application was waved through. Neutralise the opposition Lobbyists see their battles with opposition activists as "guerilla warfare".

They want government to listen to their message, but ignore counter arguments coming from campaigners, such as environmentalists, who have long been the bane of commercial lobbyists. So, they need to deal with the "antis".

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Lobbyists have developed a sliding scale of tactics to neutralise such a threat. Monitoring of opposition groups is common: Rebuttal campaigns are frequently employed: Lobbyists have also long employed divide-and-rule tactics. One Shell strategy proposed to "differentiate interest groups into friends and foes", building relationships with the former, while making it "more difficult for hardcore campaigners to sustain their campaigns".

Philip Morris's covert year strategy, codenamed Project Sunriseintended to "drive a wedge between various anti groups" and "position antis as extremists".