Usually, politicians and political parties evolve different strategies to achieve set which may advance personal, group, ethnic, tribal or professional interests. .. public relations executives, telemarketers, marketing researchers, political party. Political parties, interest groups and local councils are amongst those entities Furthermore, the relationship of political marketing with democracy has proven. LISA BIRCH. 10 Selling a Cause: Political Marketing and Interest Groups Use of Facebook as part of relationship marketing strategy. The He observes that during an election, Canadian political parties battle a number.
The first political factions, cohering around a basic, if fluid, set of principles, emerged from the Exclusion Crisis and Glorious Revolution in late 17th century England. As the century wore on, the factions slowly began to adopt more coherent political tendencies as the interests of their power bases began to diverge.
The Whig party's initial base of support from the great aristocratic families widened to include the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants. As well as championing constitutional monarchy with strict limits on the monarch's power, the Whigs adamantly opposed a Catholic king as a threat to liberty,  and believed in extending toleration to nonconformist Protestants, or dissenters. A major influence on the Whigs were the liberal political ideas of John Locke and the concepts of universal rights employed by Locke and Algernon Sidney.
They acted as a united, though unavailing, opposition to Whig corruption and scandals. At times they cooperated with the "Opposition Whigs", Whigs who were in opposition to the Whig government; however, the ideological gap between the Tories and the Opposition Whigs prevented them from coalescing as a single party.
Emergence[ edit ] When they lost power, the old Whig leadership dissolved into a decade of factional chaos with distinct " Grenvillite ", " Bedfordite ", " Rockinghamite ", and " Chathamite " factions successively in power, and all referring to themselves as "Whigs". Out of this chaos, the first distinctive parties emerged. The first such party was the Rockingham Whigs  under the leadership of Charles Watson-Wentworth and the intellectual guidance of the political philosopher Edmund Burke.
Burke laid out a philosophy that described the basic framework of the political party as "a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed". As opposed to the instability of the earlier factions, which were often tied to a particular leader and could disintegrate if removed from power, the party was centred around a set of core principles and remained out of power as a united opposition to government.
George III is the blockhead in the centre. A coalition including the Rockingham Whigs, led by the Earl of Shelburnetook power inonly to collapse after Rockingham's death.
The new government, led by the radical politician Charles James Fox in coalition with Lord Northwas soon brought down and replaced by William Pitt the Younger in It was now that a genuine two-party system began to emerge, with Pitt leading the new Tories against a reconstituted "Whig" party led by Fox.
As Wilson and Reill note, "Adam Smith's theory melded nicely with the liberal political stance of the Whig Party and its middle-class constituents.
In the late s disputes over political reform broke up this grouping. A government led by the Duke of Wellington collapsed amidst dire election results. Following this disaster Robert Peel set about assembling a new coalition of forces.
Peel issued the Tamworth Manifesto in which set out the basic principles of Conservatism — the necessity in specific cases of reform in order to survive, but an opposition to unnecessary change, that could lead to "a perpetual vortex of agitation". Meanwhile, the Whigs, along with free trade Tory followers of Robert Peeland independent Radicalsformed the Liberal Party under Lord Palmerston inand transformed into a party of the growing urban middle-class, under the long leadership of William Ewart Gladstone.
In United States[ edit ] Main article: Political parties in the United States Although the framers of the United States Constitution did not anticipate that American political discourse would become partisan, political controversies in the early s over the extent of federal government powers saw the emergence of two proto-political parties: Two major parties would dominate the political landscape for the next quarter-century: When the Whig Party fell apart in the mids, its position as a major U.
Charles Stewart Parnellleader of the Irish Parliamentary Party The second half of the 19th century saw the adoption of the party model of politics across Europe. In Germany, France, Austria and elsewhere, the Revolutions sparked a wave of liberal sentiment and the formation of representative bodies and political parties. The end of the century saw the formation of large socialist parties in Europe, some conforming to the teaching of Karl Marxothers adapting social democracy through the use of reformist and gradualist methods.
Inhe changed his party's name to the Irish Parliamentary Party and created a well-organized grass roots structure, introducing membership to replace "ad hoc" informal groupings. He created a new selection procedure to ensure the professional selection of party candidates committed to taking their seats, and in he imposed a firm 'party pledge' which obliged MPs to vote as a bloc in parliament on all occasions.
The creation of a strict party whip and a formal party structure was unique at the time. His party's efficient structure and control contrasted with the loose rules and flexible informality found in the main British parties ; they soon came to model themselves on the Parnellite model.
Structure[ edit ] A political party is typically led by a party leader the most powerful member and spokesperson representing the partya party secretary who maintains the daily work and records of party meetingsparty treasurer who is responsible for membership dues and party chair who forms strategies for recruiting and retaining party members, and also chairs party meetings. Most of the above positions are also members of the party executive, the leading organization which sets policy for the entire party at the national level.
The structure is far more decentralized in the United States because of the separation of powers, federalism and the multiplicity of economic interests and religious sects. Even state parties are decentralized as county and other local committees are largely independent of state central committees.
The national party leader in the U.
Officially, each party has a chairman for its national committee who is a prominent spokesman, organizer and fund-raiser, but without the status of prominent elected office holders. In parliamentary democracies, on a regular, periodic basis, party conferences are held to elect party officers, although snap leadership elections can be called if enough members opt for such.
Party conferences are also held in order to affirm party values for members in the coming year. American parties also meet regularly and, again, are more subordinate to elected political leaders. Depending on the demographic spread of the party membership, party members form local or regional party committees in order to help candidates run for local or regional offices in government. These local party branches reflect the officer positions at the national level.
It is also customary for political party members to form wings for current or prospective party members, most of which fall into the following two categories: The formation of these wings may have become routine but their existence is more of an indication of differences of opinion, intra-party rivalry, the influence of interest groups, or attempts to wield influence for one's state or region.
These are useful for party outreach, training and employment. Many young aspiring politicians seek these roles and jobs as stepping stones to their political careers in legislative or executive offices.
The internal structure of political parties has to be democratic in some countries. When a party becomes the largest party not part of the Government, the party's parliamentary group forms the Official Oppositionwith Official Opposition frontbench team members often forming the Official Opposition Shadow cabinet.
When a party achieves enough seats in an election to form a majority, the party's frontbench becomes the Cabinet of government ministers.
They are all elected members. There are members who attend party without promotion Regulation[ edit ] The freedom to form, declare membership in, or campaign for candidates from a political party is considered a measurement of a state's adherence to liberal democracy as a political value.
Regulation of parties may run from a crackdown on or repression of all opposition parties, a norm for authoritarian governments, to the repression of certain parties which hold or promote ideals which run counter to the general ideology of the state's incumbents or possess membership by-laws which are legally unenforceable.
Furthermore, in the case of far-right, far-left and regionalism parties in the national parliaments of much of the European Union, mainstream political parties may form an informal cordon sanitaire which applies a policy of non-cooperation towards those " Outsider Parties " present in the legislature which are viewed as 'anti-system' or otherwise unacceptable for government. The New Marketing of Politics, by demonstrating how new technologies had led to the subordination of all political goals to that of election victory.
This included an influential discussion concerning the targeting of voters and the extent to which the broader electorate was being disenfranchised. However, it was Scammel Designer Politics: How Elections Are Won that most effectively analysed the developments and presented conclusions that would be drawn on in many later works.
He argued that PMC is more suited to a now more fashionable and populist view of democracy, where the aim is the satisfaction of the interests of individual citizens, and the public interest is the satisfaction of the interests of individual citizens. Collectively, these works provided the foundation for future scholars tackling any issues within PMC relating to democracy and manipulation of image. The late s witnessed the emergence of attempts to theorize PMC, recognizing that developments were a result of strategic change on behalf of political parties comparable to the development of a company engaged in conventional business.
The theoretical developments led Newman to conclude that the biggest challenge for politicians in modern democracies is the ability to manufacture images of themselves that reveal only the positive sides of their characters, regardless of how damaged their reputations might be. Therefore, PMC literature reflected the enormous changes taking place in British and American electoral politics during the s, providing us with an understanding of the potential opportunities and threats moving into the new millennium.
Furthermore, they identified the potential that political marketing had for improving participatory democracy, whilst recognizing at the same time that it was threatening elitist ideals.
This level of analysis neglected the true potential of political marketing in informing the design of policy and the structure of organisations. Her work claimed that the most significant influence political marketing has had on parties is to determine their behaviour, not simply how they advertise it. She provides a theoretical comparison of the different types of political marketing management PMM: Crucially, Lees-Marshment proved that market- orientated parties must continually seek market intelligence in order to stay in tune with the electorate and maintain their position.
This is done by mutual exchange and fulfilment of promises.
Savigny understood political marketing to have its roots in orthodox rational choice theory, arguing that parties behave like businesses, competing for voters in an arena that is analogous to a commercial marketing place. This brought to the surface the Downsian concern that parties pursue policies in order to win elections, rather than win elections in order to pursue policies Downs, As FranklinKavanagh and Scammel discussed, political marketing endorses the position where voters make choices based upon brand images, emphasizing style over substance.
This added a new dimension to the concerns raised in previous literature about the relationship with democracy, as it challenges the core democratic ideal of a citizenry able to make informed judgements as to who should govern them. Moreover, this serves to undermine the conclusion that political marketing and the process of market orientation improves participatory ideals of democracy as it is yet to be reconciled with the empirical reality of a continuing decline in electoral participation.
These works reflected the trends away from direct communication and rendered party members obsolete to the process of enhancing political engagement and voter turnout.
However, Johansen pointed to relationship marketing theory and how it contends market research alone does not in any way guarantee market-orientation. With this in mind, modern political parties who ignore the relationship paradigm are missing out on the potentially rich information which could stem from the feedback channel of party membership. This almost cost him his leadership in when the party passed a vote of no confidence in their leader, however, the effectiveness of the strategy in the long run has demonstrated the ability of relationship marketing to bring political parties more in sync with their voters.
Political party - Wikipedia
Therefore, the relationship marketing paradigm provides political marketing with a potentially rich ability to improve participatory ideals of democracy through coalition building. Furthermore, it offers politicians and political parties the ability to influence voters in a democratic way, rather than being forced to choose between becoming completely reactionary to the electorate or attempting to manipulate voters in order to align their needs with those of the party.
However, the concept of co-producing policy through party membership is yet to be seen, and appears to have neglected the reality that we live in a world of relatively low political interest or desire to be involved. Savigny demonstrated the sophistication of voter profiling software used by both the Conservatives and Labour in Target voters were no longer identified simply by traditional demographic social class, but by more distinct and discrete categories.
This supports the claim that technological advancements serve to potentially disenfranchise the broader electorate and undermines the belief that the marketing concept puts the consumer at the centre. Furthermore, scholars have highlighted the increasing use of presidential style personal attacks in UK politics. These actions are based on evidence which signals disliking a party influences voting decision-making attitudes and voting behaviour more strongly than liking Dermody and Scullion, In the build-up to the UK General Election, the Conservatives deployed a succession of poster and digital ads featuring Ed Miliband leader of the opposition trapped in the pocket of the SNP — waiting to do their bidding and as a puppet dancing to the tune of Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon Dermody, Thus the election was not a choice between parties, but a contest between the credibility of two leaders, which demonstrated the effectiveness of attack ads on the opposition.
The increasing sophistication of political marketing technologies and strategies has been recognised by contemporary scholars as a change in the very nature of politics itself, rather than as a threat to democracy. Furthermore, they demonstrate that political marketing management and its theoretical foundations following marketing theory, are not monolithic blocs of unambiguous definitions, clear aims and aligned activities, but instead comprise different schools.
Therefore, the importance of research is now to understand the relationship between different types of political marketing and competing ideals of democracy.
Building on the work of Lees-Marshment and JohansenHenneberg et al. The authors conclude that political marketing needs to engage with competing theories of democracy in order to provide itself with legitimacy in each instance.
A prominent demonstration of this new potential can be found in the actions of British Liberal Democrat MP Stephen Webb inwhere he engaged constituents in an internet dialogue. On the other hand, it is the selling-orientated model of political marketing which resonates most comfortably with elitist theories of democracy due to its promotion of strong leadership and direction.
Therefore, contemporary literature has recognized the various ways in which different types of political marketing can enhance or harm competing ideals of democracy when carried out effectively. The most promising finding is that we could be on the edge of a new era of deliberative democracy if the relationship paradigm was embraced in modern democratic societies. Nevertheless, recent events have led to a more critical discussion of the reality that manipulation is becoming a greater issue in contemporary politics.
While most political marketing communications are legitimate forms of persuasive rhetoric, they become classifiable as manipulation when they involve false claims or omission manifested in the framing of information. Furthermore, Beckman highlighted how socio-economic disadvantage leaves individuals more susceptible to manipulation, as their ability to engage in public deliberation is impeded. Previous literature focused on the potential of this as a threat to democracy, however, in light of recent events in the UK and US, manipulation has become a serious concern for the democratic process.
The most important finding relevant to future research is that political marketing is comprised of different schools of thought. In order to access the legitimacy of PMM, evaluations must be made about the relationship of the different types of political marketing with competing ideals of democracy.
However, it is important to understand how this threatens elitist assumptions regarding the democratic process, as there is no idealised conception of democracy to work from and thus the relationship will always be multi-faceted.
Finally, the pursuit of self-interest winning elections and policy battles is inherent in the nature of political marketing, and thus attempts to control political outcomes must be monitored closely to prevent politicians and political parties moving beyond the process of persuasion towards manipulation. The obvious issue is that traditional marketing frameworks do not fit neatly into a political marketing configuration, however, new frameworks must be developed in order for it to progress beyond where we are now.
The potential this has to control and manipulate opinions could be devastating to the democratic process regardless of contrasting theories of elitist and deliberative theories of democracy. Finally, the trend toward personalized attacks and the use of false facts in UK political campaigns requires further research as the laws currently put in place by the Electoral Commission are failing to hold political parties accountable for their actions.
This will be the focus of the analysis and discussion. Methodology As there was no empirical data required for this study, this methodology simply explains the process by which literature and secondary data were collected and assessed for suitability and reliability.
However, many of the earlier works referred to in my initial findings were not accessible to students of the University of Exeter or present in the library. This prompted me to utilize the University of Edinburgh library through the SNONUL access scheme, which provided me with a far broader understanding of the development of political marketing from the first definition of the term to the most developed theories published this year. For the literature review, this study engaged only with works published by credible journals such as The Journal of Marketing and the Marketing Theory.
The analysis section required the collection of secondary data in order to examine the increasing trend toward manipulative advertising in UK politics. The ads which were publicized were easily found in news articles from sites like the BBC at the time of publishing. However, the study required proof that the claims made in publicized ads were false or misleading.
The UK Statistics Authority and Full Fact provided valuable evidence based on extensive research into claims made by political parties. As did the manifestos of parties published on their own websites.
However, the study of dark ads on social media proved a greater challenge due to their very nature meaning they remain hidden from the public eye. Fortunately, a recent project called WhoTargetsMe in association with the London School of Economics gathered data using volunteers who recorded their exposure to political ads in the build-up to the UK General Election The data therefore offered an insight into pieces of advertising which were designed to be viewed by individual users.
These results by no means represent the social media advertising campaigns of the political parties discussed, and are significantly limited in their value by the limited number of volunteers who made up the same groups. Furthermore, the results presented by the WhoTargetsMe sample of potential voters may be skewed.
The study of politics can bring out bias, and these accounts are no exception and thus have been considered at time to be taking a side. However, with a topic so recent this was unavoidable and they proved of great value to the analysis.
The study will examine a personal attack on Jeremy Corbyn which is now the most watched advert in British political history, as well as discussing the widespread establishment of dark ads. The aim is to uncover whether this new era of political marketing is undermining individual intellectual autonomy, and thus a serious threat to democracy. Nevertheless, the battlebus was seen by millions of voters all over the UK who will have put their trust in the campaign message and taken it into account when casting their vote.
However, the battlebus continued to roam the streets of Britain and the leave campaign was never held accountable for its marketing of false facts. This almost comical response following the result highlighted the self-interest of those involved in the production of the controversial message and their subordination of the democratic ideal of intellectual autonomy.
Whilst scholars argue 16 that the social and competitive nature of politics may offer protection against manipulation and bias, this assumes that individuals are exposed to multiple sources of information.
A recent study by Zhang discovered that Britain would have likely voted to remain in the EU were its population educated to a slightly higher level. As a result, their democratic right to intellectual autonomy remains intact. However, those who could not gain access to higher education for whatever reason were more reliant on information provided by either side of the campaign. Beckman discussed how socio-economic disadvantages are well-known to be associated with a lower likelihood of political participation as the disadvantaged often lack education that enables political comprehension and encourages political interest.
In other words, the socio-economically disadvantaged are more reliant on the information which is made immediately available to them. The dangers of this are exacerbated when political marketers choose to manage their resources for advertising, canvassing, speeches and events in ways that have the effect of withholding information from the economically disadvantaged Quelch and Jocz, Therefore, it is evident that political marketing has become manipulative in certain instances where false facts have been used to control the opinion of the electorate.
It is conceivable that the encroachment of such techniques on intellectual autonomy and personal liberty can be kept in check by self-awareness and critical thinking, but such critical consciousness on the part of citizens without access to higher education or further information sources is difficult to imagine.
This study sustains that the socio-economically disadvantaged are to a great extent reliant on the information provided in political campaigns and thus most vulnerable to manipulation. Literature clearly highlighted the continued improvement in technologies which allows parties to target voters Savigny,however, scholars failed to discuss the implications of parties sending out inconsistent messages tailored to different interests.
This has serious implications for both elitist and deliberative ideals of democracy as it enables political parties to provide misleading information about candidates for leadership as well as constraining the potential of individuals to deliberate autonomously. The frightening thing is, there is no way of telling where the data AIQ acquired originated from or how it was used. The Electoral Commission launched an investigation, however, AIQ allegedly responded by saying it had signed a non-disclosure agreement and no further action could be taken given the company is outside of British jurisdiction.
Therefore, all that is known is that the British electorate will have been subjected to highly personalized adverts which exploited emotional triggers in order to manipulate opinion. Therefore, the psychographic profiling first used in the lead up to the EU referendum constitutes a new kind of political marketing, one that goes beyond what any technology was capable of before. It works in contrast to open democratic debate, existing instead in a closed private space where misleading facts can go unchallenged.
Furthermore, the lack of transparency means political parties can say different things to different individuals, determined by personality traits that those individuals are not consciously aware of themselves. McGregor argued that so long as this practice is still possible, enforcement is meagre and people are still willing to give away their information, then it will always be used to manipulate the people. However, online adverts cannot be challenged and the personalized messages are of a subliminal nature which disturbs intellectual autonomy.
This was the dark ads election, and all the major political parties put an enormous emphasis on social media. The samples are not necessarily an accurate representation of all ads circulated by the mainstream British political parties, however, they are the only available insight into the inherently hidden world of dark political ads.
This study will focus on the political marketing of the Labour and Conservative parties in the UK. Unlike the Leave campaign, there is no evidence that external companies were employed to carry out psychographic profiling, however, this was a snap election and doing so would have been infeasible even if the parties claimed to have no intention of doing so. WhoTargetsMe recorded 2, instances of exposure to ads from the Labour party in their sample, designed to be viewed by individual users through the platforms advertising services.
The trend toward attacking the opposition was evident in this sample, with 1, ads conveying some form of criticism of other parties Tambini et al. The most common ad depicted the NHS as being dilapidated by Conservative governments, using this as a platform to talk about their own proposals.
This demonstrates how dark ads like other new political marketing technologies have the potential to improve democracy through the lens of deliberative theorists.
On the other hand, the Conservative campaign exhibited many of the manipulative features of the Leave campaign in and caused a great deal of controversy. The literature review discussed the success of personalized attacks on Ed Miliband during the build-up to the General Election Dermody,however, they trampled across the line of what is 19 considered to be legitimate in Researchers examined the full spectrum of Conservative ads the sample group were exposed to, which included short clips edited in order to circulate demonstrably false or misleading information.
Therefore, both of these campaign ads were deliberatively misleading and attempted to present a misrepresentation of the intentions of the Labour leader.
The nature in which political ads on the social media platforms are shown to users in a personalized way, as opposed to being displayed in an open digital repository for instance, means they become resistant to accountability. Such a lack of visibility will guarantee the continued smearing of political opponents in deceiving ways, unless the platforms change their rules. The evidence confirms the continued trend towards politics becoming about the credibility of leaders as opposed to policies, pushing the UK ever closer to the US presidential style campaigns.
However, the digital campaign pursued by Labour highlighted the potential for dark ads on social media to better engage voters in the context of increasingly low levels of political participation.