How the Partition of India happened – and why its effects are still felt today
PDF | Since the independence and violent partition of two South Asian countries India and Pakistan in , relations between these two have been inflexible. What issues were left unresolved at the time of India's partition in , and how have they continued to plague both India and Pakistan since. Relations between India and Pakistan have been complex and largely hostile due to a number of historical and political events. Relations between the two states have been defined by the violent partition .. There is also a village in India named Pakistan, despite occasional pressure over the years to change its name the.
The first is the concept of a single Indian nationof which Hindus and Muslims are two intertwined communities. Even after the formation of Pakistan, debates on whether Muslims and Hindus are distinct nationalities or not continued in that country as well. The Muslim League favoured the award as it had the potential to weaken the caste Hindu leadership.
However, Mahatma Gandhi, who was seen as a leading advocate for Dalit rights, went on a fast unto death to persuade the British to repeal the award. Ambedkar had to back down when it seemed Gandhi's life was threatened. Fazlul Huqthe leader of the Krishak Praja Party.
In addition, the new UP provincial administration promulgated cow protection and the use of Hindi. Having not taken the Pakistan idea seriously, Linlithgow supposed that what Jinnah actually wanted was a non-federal arrangement without Hindu domination.
To allay Muslim fears of Hindu domination the 'August offer' was accompanied with the promise that a future constitution would take the views of minorities into consideration. The Congress once again started a program of civil disobedience.
The League rejected the Cripps offer, seeing this clause as insufficient in meeting the principle of Pakistan. An aged and abandoned Muslim couple and their grandchildren sitting by the roadside on this arduous journey.
The caravan has gone on," wrote Bourke-White. An old Sikh man carrying his wife. Over 10 million people were uprooted from their homeland and travelled on foot, bullock carts and trains to their promised new home. Gandhi in Bela, Bihar, after attacks on Muslims, 28 March Labour Prime Minister Clement Attlee had been deeply interested in Indian independence since the s, and for years had supported independence.
He now took charge of the government position and gave the issue highest priority. Although the mutinies were rapidly suppressed, they had the effect of spurring the Attlee government to action. The objective of the mission was to arrange for an orderly transfer to independence.
With the announcement of the elections the line had been drawn for Muslim voters to choose between a united Indian state or Partition.
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Now as the trials began, the Congress leadership, although it never supported the INA, chose to defend the accused officers. British rule had lost its legitimacy for most Hindus and conclusive proof of this came in the form of the elections with the Congress winning 91 percent of the vote among non-Muslim constituencies, thereby gaining a majority in the Central Legislature and forming governments in eight provinces, and becoming the legitimate successor to the British government for most Hindus.
If the British intended to stay in India the acquiescence of politically active Indians to British rule would have been in doubt after these election results, although the views of many rural Indians were uncertain even at that point.
Recovering from its performance in the elections, the Muslim League was finally able to make good on the claim that it and Jinnah alone represented India's Muslims  and Jinnah quickly interpreted this vote as a popular demand for a separate homeland. Through this mission, Britain hoped to preserve the united India which they and the Congress desired, while concurrently securing the essence of Jinnah's demand for a Pakistan through 'groupings'. Two of these groupings would consist of predominantly Muslim provinces, while the third grouping would be made up of the predominantly Hindu regions.
The provinces would be autonomous but the center would retain control over defence, foreign affairs and communications. Though the proposals did not offer independent Pakistan, the Muslim League accepted the proposals. Even though the unity of India would have been preserved, the Congress leaders, especially Nehru, believed it would leave the Center weak.
On 10 July Nehru gave a "provocative speech", rejected the idea of grouping the provinces and "effectively torpedoed" both the Cabinet mission plan and the prospect of a United India.
However, on the morning of the 16th, armed Muslim gangs gathered at the Ochterlony Monument in Calcutta to hear Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardythe League's Chief Minister of Bengal, who, in the words of historian Yasmin Khan, "if he did not explicitly incite violence certainly gave the crowd the impression that they could act with impunity, that neither the police nor the military would be called out and that the ministry would turn a blind eye to any action they unleashed in the city.
Although India had had outbreaks of religious violence between Hindus and Muslims before, the Calcutta killings were the first to display elements of " ethnic cleansing ", in modern parlance. The communal violence spread to Bihar where Muslims were attacked by Hindusto Noakhali in Bengal where Hindus were targeted by Muslimsto Garhmukteshwar in the United Provinces where Muslims were attacked by Hindusand on to Rawalpindi in March in which Hindus were attacked or driven out by Muslims.
Mountbatten hoped to revive the Cabinet Mission scheme for a federal arrangement for India. But despite his initial keenness for preserving the center the tense communal situation caused him to conclude that partition had become necessary for a quicker transfer of power. He had been outraged by Jinnah's Direct Action campaign, which had provoked communal violence across India and by the viceroy's vetoes of his home department's plans to stop the violence on the grounds of constitutionality.
Increase people-to-people contacts We need this more than ever. The forces of extremism and bigotry are loud on either side, and the way to counter the ensuing misconceptions, hatred and stereotyping is to get the people in touch with each other in a manner unfettered and unfiltered by media biases. To this end, the governments should facilitate traveling between the two countries. Ease up visa regimes, provide security to tourists, set up student and faculty exchanges, invite professionals, intellectuals and artists over to their sides of the border, organise concerts, host joint exhibitions and events, develop shared publications, invite critique and let guests conduct their research and document their experiences.
The more the discussions, the lesser the mistrust and devious propaganda. And anyway, in 67 years of existence, we both have in fact been hurt more by our own propaganda than the other's. Trade freely Remove the non-tariff barriers and bureaucratic hurdles impeding trade.
Create separate routes for different tradable items that stay operational round-the-clock. Cut down duties and improve customs clearance procedures. Yes, India is a much bigger market than Pakistan, but proportionate trade is still possible, if the government sets the right policies. In auto, textile and several other sectors, exports and partnerships can benefit traders from both countries equally. Tell the story of Partition, together Shouldn't we have had enough of maligning the other, of teaching our kids hate.
Let's, for once, work together and come up with a better story to tell our children now -- of one where people did give and love, where men, women and children saved one another from injustices regardless of their religious or regional affiliations. Educationists and historians from both countries must sit together and work on this narrative which shows that in an event when all begin to go topsy turvy, people had have their humanity in tact and shielded one another from harm.
Indians and Pakistanis have been one people for most of their histories. They may be separate now, but they're clearly not foes, with a shared culture and consciousness in many an instance.
History of a grand concoction So let's tell the stories of Partition, but let's tell them together. Purge school curricula of political propaganda and make films that tell the stories of people, not ideologies.The creation of modern India and Pakistan, explained
Write stories that record the joys and sufferings shared through centuries and not the divisions borne over a few decades. Pervez Musharraf, sent armed invaders into Kashmir to capture some mountain peaks. The move provoked two months of air strikes and ground attacks by India, ending after Sharif ordered the fighters to withdraw.
Partition of India
Musharraf would go on to topple Sharif in a coup. Relations were further strained in when Pakistani gunmen killed on a rampage across Mumbai.
InIndian Prime Minister Narendra Modi began his term on a conciliatory note by inviting his Pakistani counterpart, again Nawaz Sharif, to his oath-taking ceremony. But the friendliness dissolved days later when gunmen, allegedly from Pakistan, killed seven soldiers at an Indian air force base. Months later, Modi ordered a surgical strike on alleged insurgents inside Pakistani-controlled Kashmir, and vowed to isolate Islamabad diplomatically. India accuses Pakistan of sponsoring terrorism, a charge Pakistan denies.
Peace talks are unlikely to resume any time soon. Beijing has long supported Islamabad, creating additional strategic and military concerns for New Delhi.
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China offered financial and technological help to Pakistan in developing its nuclear and missile programs. Now it is developing a major highway and port in Pakistan as part of an effort to link China with the Middle East and Europe. Global alignments have tested India-Pakistan ties before.